The Reconfiguration of Education in Afghanistan – A Conflict Between Religious Orthodoxy and Modern Schooling
In Afghanistan, mosques and madrassas have long been the traditional providers of Islamic education. Because these institutions have always been decentralized, they haven't had a unified curriculum. Instead, the way teachers instruct has usually been shaped by their own authority and preferences, which often mirror local views of Islamic doctrine.
Afghanistan, like many Muslim-majority societies, has a historical practice of religious education that dates back to the medieval era. Mosques and madrassas played a vital role in community life and religious learning, often leaving little room for critical or scientific inquiry. However, tensions arose in the early 20th century with the introduction of modern secular schools. Religious hardliners perceived these institutions as threats to the authenticity and superiority of madrassas, which they argued were the only valid form of education for an Islamic society.
This exclusivist perspective has continued to influence ideological debates and practices, though the intensity has varied across the Muslim world.
Unlike many other Muslim-majority countries—where there exists some degree of coexistence between religious and modern education systems—Afghanistan's trajectory has been marked by sharper opposition. The current conflict between these two educational paradigms is not a new phenomenon. During the Central Asian Islamic Golden Age (8th to 13th centuries), the region that includes present-day Afghanistan embraced intellectual pluralism. Religion coexisted with centers of scientific inquiry. Thinkers such as philosophers, mathematicians, and scientists contributed to a global body of knowledge that would later shape developments far beyond the region.
However, this era of intellectual flourishing declined sharply after the Mongol invasions of the 13th century. Religious orthodoxy gradually replaced intellectual diversity. The country never fully recovered from this intellectual rupture, and the space for critical, scientific, and secular education has since narrowed. Over time, madrassas increasingly became the primary sites of education, reinforcing a rigid, memorization-based pedagogy. This historical trajectory has culminated in the contemporary dominance of religious extremism over education policy, particularly under the Taliban.
Following their return to power in August 2021, the Taliban swiftly re-imposed their ideological framework on the education system. Central to their vision is the supremacy of madrassas, rooted in a narrow and hierarchical interpretation of Islamic knowledge. This model privileges male-oriented schooling, with very limited educational opportunities for girls, restricted primarily to the early primary grades or religious instruction within madrassas. The Taliban’s framework to education rests on three interrelated pillars:
The Supremacy of Madrassas over Modern Schools: The regime establishes a hierarchical educational framework that prioritizes madrassas over modern schools, both symbolically and structurally. Modern education is viewed as secondary to religious instruction, which they present as the sole legitimate form of knowledge within their envisioned society.
Ideological Control of Religious Institutions: In Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes, Juan J. Linz posits that totalitarian regimes inherently oppose autonomous institutions, particularly organized religion, perceiving them as potential challengers to state ideology. While some regimes aim to completely dismantle religious institutions, others prefer to control and utilize them for their own ends. The Taliban exemplifies this latter approach. Instead of permitting religious institutions to operate independently and encourage free thought, particularly those with historical models that support inquiry, the Taliban has subordinated them to its ideological agenda. Through a centralized control system—encompassing speeches, decrees, and legal frameworks such as the Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice—the regime enforces its strict interpretation of Islam. This ideological domination reflects Linz’s concept of a totalitarian regime striving to permeate and control all aspects of life, leaving no room for religious diversity or independent theological interpretation.
Deliberate Expansion of Madrassas at the Expense of Modern Schools: The Taliban have rapidly expanded religious education infrastructure, often by reallocating public resources originally intended for modern schools. Enrollment in madrassas has surged, while investment in public schools has declined sharply. This policy has made modern education increasingly inaccessible, especially for girls, who are now formally barred from attending school beyond the primary level. The establishment of new schools has slowed to a level unseen in the past two decades, whereas madrassas have proliferated across the country in unprecedented numbers.
This raises an important question: Why should the subordination of modern schools to madrassas be a cause for concern?
To answer this, we must revisit the foundational purposes of education. While views differ across societies and scholarly traditions, a broadly accepted consensus holds that education should nurture individual potential, foster critical thinking, and equip learners with the knowledge and skills necessary to engage meaningfully in society. This vision is grounded in the principles of intellectual inquiry and human development, not in rote memorization or ideological conformity. Of course, this freedom of thought is not absolute—it is bounded by ethical norms, particularly the imperative not to cause harm—but it fundamentally opposes the coercive imposition of dogma.
The Taliban’s educational framework contradicts this foundational vision. Their model centers on religious indoctrination, suppressing both critical and scientific inquiry. Madrassas under Taliban rule are mandated to conform to state-imposed religious standards, most notably the Law on the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice. This law enforces rigid gender roles: men are assigned external, public-facing roles, while women are confined to domestic spaces. Female autonomy is severely restricted, with even basic mobility contingent on male oversight. Any interaction between men and women outside tightly defined boundaries is prohibited.
This ideological framework has produced significant and measurable changes in Afghanistan’s educational landscape:
First, the number of religious schools has dramatically increased—from approximately 2,000 in 2021 to over 20,000 by 2024. Correspondingly, enrollment has surged from around 200,000 students to more than 2.5 million. Importantly, this expansion has not been supported by new resources; instead, it has occurred through the reallocation of funds and facilities from public schools to madrassas. This has facilitated the recruitment of over 100,000 madrassa instructors and the establishment of administrative structures aligned with Taliban ideology.
Second, girls have been systematically excluded from formal schooling beyond the primary level. The alternative offered to them—religious instruction in madrassas—is not equivalent in content, quality, or educational outcomes.
While traditional madrassas lacked curricular uniformity, the Taliban have imposed top-down control, ensuring compliance with their ideological mandates. The Law on Vice and Virtue serves as both a pedagogical guide and a disciplinary tool.
Third, the Taliban have extended their ideological control to higher education institutions. Radical religious appointees at Kabul University and elsewhere have reportedly begun revising university curricula to eliminate content related to secularism, gender equality, human rights, critical thinking, and scienfitic literature. Content written by non-religious scholars is often viewed with considerable suspicion, and in some instances, it is entirely banned.
These changes represent a significant effort to align all educational forms with the Taliban's interpretation of religion. This ideological control diminishes academic freedom, compromises the quality and inclusivity of education, and greatly restricts Afghanistan’s potential for intellectual and social growth.
In sum, the current Taliban regime has not merely favored religious education—they have strategically weaponized it to suppress dissent, erase pluralism, and reinforce a gendered, authoritarian social order. This transformation poses grave implications not only for the future of education in Afghanistan but also for the broader human rights and development agenda in the region.