Afghanistan's education system is falling. The Taliban ban girls from attending grades beyond primary school. Women are barred from universities. The curriculum is being rewritten with an extremist bias. Boys in schools face a drastic decline in education quality. Financing and funding for education are plummeting. By appointing followers who struggle with basic literacy, blocking development aid, and draining expertise and human resources, the Taliban cripple the system's ability to provide quality education. This dire state of the education system highlights stark inequity and complex issues.
Fixing these problems demands a vibrant and active civil society to oversee the system, link people's voices to the system, identify problems, develop solutions, and rally the community to advocate for education. However, under the Taliban, the outlook for civil society is dire. The Taliban outlawed all civil society institutions, activists, and activism everywhere and at all times. Those who defied the strict rules faced punishment, social isolation, and were forced to promise not to repeat their actions. As a result, many activists fled the country, while those who stayed remained silent to protect themselves and their families.
Evidence from across the globe urges that marginalized communities have a say in education policy. Civil society is key to making their voices heard. To truly achieve equity, these communities must be involved in shaping education policies and influencing decision-making. Civil society organizations play a vital linking role, connecting people to government institutions and advocating for policy changes that bring equitable education to disadvantaged groups (Mundy, 2008; Howell & Lind, 2009; Hanna, 2010).
Under the current circumstances, finding solutions to these problems seems impossible from within, and from the bottom-up, through people, and engaging grassroots movements for change.
Historical Context: Traditional Grassroots Organizations
The modern form of civil society - a dynamic and complex array of non-governmental organizations , grassroots movements, advocacy groups, professional associations, social enterprises, and other community-based entities (Jezard, 2018) operating independently of the state - emerged in Afghanistan's education sector after the country adopted a democratic constitution in 2005. This constitution allowed people to establish non-governmental associations freely, without government interference, for social, economic and professional purposes (Moballegh, 2021). This development was consistent with global initiatives and people's demands for education development and ensuring educational equity in the country. Civil society was considered the backbone and strong partner in this endeavor. With international support and a favorable legal framework, civil society actors played a significant role in promoting education equity. Their participation was crucial in promoting a more inclusive dialogue surrounding educational policies and practices, allowing for a wider representation of societal interests (Bittlingmayer & Grundmeier, 2019; Howell & Lind, 2009).
Under the broader arrangement of civil society, we include traditional councils in our definition, as they have clearly supported education equity as part of their mandate over the last two decades. With this broader view, we can trace the roots of civil society back to the beginning of modern education in Afghanistan. Despite opposition from religious extremists, local councils have been pioneers in emphasizing education, making significant contributions to its expansion throughout the 20th century.
This type of broader non-governmental institution is not new to Afghanistan – it has a rich historical background that predates modern interventions. Ethnographic studies from the 19th and 20th centuries depict Afghanistan as a confederation of tribes and councils, where decision-making took place in councils known as Jirgas. These councils played a crucial role in governance, ensuring accountability among rulers and that decisions aligned with the collective will of the people (Gregorian, 1969; Wimmer & Schetter, 2003).
The traditional Jirga system, which focused on collective decision-making and accountability, began to decline in the late 19th century as rulers increasingly turned to religious authority to validate their power. This change represented a significant shift away from the participatory governance model that had been a hallmark of Afghan society for centuries. By the late 20th century, the political landscape had further deteriorated, with power dynamics increasingly influenced by militant groups and factions that arose in response to external conflicts, ultimately leading to the rise of the Taliban in the late 1990s. The governance of the Taliban was characterized by a strict interpretation of religious doctrine, which imposed severe restrictions on educational opportunities, particularly for women and girls (Johnson, 2006).
The Republic Era (2001–2021): Emergence of Modern Civil Society
Despite facing numerous challenges, the establishment of democratic processes in Afghanistan in early this century marked a revival of civil society. Over the past two decades, more than 10,000 civil society organizations have been created, many stemming from grassroots movements that crossed ethnic and linguistic divides. Unlike traditional NGOs that often depend on international funding, these organizations primarily relied on local community support through memberships and small donations. This grassroots foundation equipped them with a distinct ability to advocate for educational equity and engage effectively with local and national decision-makers to tackle urgent educational issues (Winter, 2010; Lopes, 2021).
The sustainability and resilience of these civil society organizations allowed them to play a vital role in expanding educational access and improving the quality of education in Afghanistan. Their representatives worked tirelessly to enhance educational services, open new schools, and mobilize resources to meet the needs of their communities. National programs, such as the National Solidarity Program, often collaborated with these organizations to drive educational development at the village level (Beath et al., 2017), further solidifying the role of civil society in promoting educational equity (Arooje & Burridge, 2021).
These organizations increasingly adopted democratic practices and became more adept at advocacy, contributing significantly to the country's social progress. The post-Taliban era (2001 ~2021) saw a dramatic increase in school enrollment, with figures rising from approximately one million to nearly ten million students, 40% of whom were girls (Powell, 2014). While international assistance played a crucial role in this transformation, much of the success can be attributed to the relentless efforts of civil society organizations that raised awareness, campaigned for girls' education and safeguarded learning environments (Matsumoto, 2008).
I am not suggesting that the Republic (2001 - 2021) was an ideal period for civil society's activism in education. It certainly had significant flaws and challenges that hindered civil society's efforts to promote educational equity. One major obstacle was the prevalence of systemic corruption in the Ministry of Education (MoE). A study indicated that out of 15,152 schools, 1,174 were classified as "ghost schools," which translates to one in every twelve. Estimates suggest that approximately $12 million is spent annually on the salaries of these ghost teachers (Khan, 2015). Even after more than a decade of investment up to 2015, there remains uncertainty regarding the actual enrollment of students and teachers, as well as the status of active school buildings.
I previously stated that a vibrant grassroots civil society existed, but it didn't translate to the system level. One main problem was that these grassroots organizations lacked the regulatory and procedural legitimacy developed by MoE's bureaucrats, which blocked their access to information and system-level advocacy. This prevented them from signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Ministry of Education (MoE). The Ministry of Education's main requirement for signing the Memorandum of Understanding was the presence of a funded project. This condition made it challenging for grassroots organizations—those that are not mandated to receive funding, some of which are unofficial institutions, and others that are registered as civil society organizations with the Ministry of Justice and are not legally permitted to receive funding—to engage in system-level advocacy.
The atmosphere for advocating with the system has grown more intense, even for NGOs with funded projects. Towards the end of the Republic, the Ministry of Education began rejecting advocacy, awareness, and mobilization projects. Their reasoning was simple: resources should go directly to children. But here's the thing - even with MoE's budget approval, all children still didn't get the resources they needed. That's where advocacy and oversight came in, ensuring transparency. The problem was that officials viewed civil society as troublemakers, fearing they'd uncover corruption. So, they restricted their role to service delivery to avoid scrutiny.
The Taliban's Return: Regression and Dissolution of Civil Society
The Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in 2021 drastically altered the civil society landscape. The Ministry of Justice announced a complete ban on all civil society institutions, activists, and activities, including local and tribal councils. Over 10,000 civil society organizations were dissolved, with most being grassroots groups. The Taliban also cracked down heavily on activists who opposed or resisted their decisions (Nasir & Jami, 2024).
The Taliban's official reasons for banning civil society remain unclear, but there are indications that provide some insight. Research, such as the study by Giugni et al. (1999), indicates that social movements create change not merely by altering policies but by motivating individuals to take action. When activists connect, they develop confidence and skills, leading to increased activism. The Taliban understand the potential of grassroots civil society and likely fear that, due to their radical changes for education, civil society would oppose these changes. This opposition could foster a more vibrant and robust civil society, enhancing its power and legitimacy, and providing a strong foundation to influence policies and programs. Allowing civil society would likely result in more organized resistance to their educational reforms, which contradicts their authoritarian regime and extremist philosophy. Consequently, they have adopted a broad definition of civil society—excluding all institutions except NGOs—and imposed a complete ban.
The Taliban's ban on non-governmental institutions has a significant exception: project-based NGOs with foreign funding and charities are allowed to operate, but only under recent strict limits. This exception doesn't indicate that the Taliban trust these organizations; rather, it exposes their vulnerability to collapse if international funding were to dry up. NGOs face challenges in securing local funding to sustain themselves and therefore rely heavily on foreign funding, which makes them unsustainable in the long run. The main reason NGOs are tolerated is that they serve a specific purpose: they facilitate international aid and help deliver services and humanitarian assistance.
The differences in policy and approach to non-governmental organizations – civil society and NGOs – reveal a single worrying fact: the Taliban's lack of trust in grassroots civil society institutions. As these institutions are rooted in grassroots advocacy, they directly threatened the Taliban's discriminatory policies and, by extension, their power.
The Taliban are erasing civil society by replacing it with religious councils they control. In every one of Afghanistan's 34 provinces and 412 districts, these councils have become the eyes and ears of the Taliban. Only Taliban members, supporters, and followers who have graduated from religious seminaries can join these councils, which exist to spread the Taliban's ideology using religious texts and institutions.
The councils are structured like a pyramid, with the head giving orders and members following blindly. Only loyal Taliban members can become council heads, and they dictate the agenda. This setup crushes any dissenting views or public concerns that challenge the Taliban's agenda. It is clear that despite systematic abuse and violation of women's rights, including the right to education, none of the dozens of these councils have issued a concern or opposition - they instead try to justify these actions.
The main goal of these councils is to carry out the Taliban leader's orders, promote Taliban policies, and use religion to justify their actions. By doing so, the councils ensure the people obeys the Taliban and provide a shield for Taliban officials and government institutions. This strategy consolidates the Taliban's power by imposing their ideology and controlling what people think and know.
This takeover is a direct attack on the principles of civil society, which once amplified the people's voices, critiqued government policies, and pushed for change when the public was ignored.
Implications for Civil Society and Future Prospects
The implications of these developments are profound, as they threaten to reverse the gains made in educational equity in Afghanistan. The Taliban's approach to education, which prioritizes ideological hegemony over diversity and inclusivity, poses significant challenges to the future of Afghan society. The dismantling of civil society organizations not only stifles advocacy for educational equity but also limits the potential for community-driven solutions to the myriad challenges facing the education sector.
In summary, civil society has been crucial in promoting educational equity in Afghanistan, especially during the Republic era. The rise of grassroots organizations has led to meaningful improvements in both access to and quality of education. However, the recent return of authoritarian rule under the Taliban presents a significant challenge to these gains. The ongoing struggle for educational equity in Afghanistan highlights the essential role of civil society in fostering both educational equity and social development.
